The Russo-Ukrainian conflict has
precipitated unprecedented forced migration flows across Eastern and Central
Europe, with displaced Ukrainians increasingly settling in cities such as
Budapest, Warsaw, and Berlin. This qualitative study employs Social Network
Theory in Migration to explore how interpersonal and institutional networks
shape migrants’ decision-making, settlement experiences, and integration
trajectories. Drawing on eight in-depth interviews, the research identifies
seven interrelated thematic dimensions: migration decision-making, chain
migration and network expansion, resource sharing and support, economic
opportunities, cultural and identity preservation, barriers to integration, and
feedback loops/cumulative causation. Findings reveal that social networks serve
not only as crucial conduits for information, emotional support, and resource
mobilization but also as dynamic systems that mediate risk, foster belonging,
and influence long-term settlement preferences. Networks facilitate access to employment,
language learning, and public services while simultaneously anchoring cultural
continuity amid displacement. However, structural obstacles such as
bureaucratic complexity, language barriers, and limited bridging capital
constrain full integration. The research emphasizes how feedback processes
within social networks contribute to stabilizing migration patterns and
supporting long-term integration, showcasing migrants' active agency within
interconnected social environments. This research contributes nuanced insights
into the lived experiences of displaced Ukrainians, underscoring the vital
interplay between social networks and migration systems in contemporary forced
displacement scenarios.
The
Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 triggered the fastest-growing displacement
crisis in Europe since World War II, leading to the forced migration of over 8
million Ukrainians across international borders (UNHCR., 2023). Among the key destinations for
these displaced individuals were Budapest (Hungary), Warsaw (Poland), and
Berlin (Germany)- cities that not only offered geographical proximity but also
varying degrees of legal protection, humanitarian aid, and social integration
opportunities. However, the decision to migrate and the preference for specific
destinations are rarely based on state policies alone. Instead, migrants often
rely on interpersonal relationships and social networks that guide, facilitate,
and shape their mobility routes (Dekker &
Engbersen, 2014; Massey et al., 1993).
This
study explores the lived experiences and destination preferences of displaced
Ukrainians through the lens of Social
Network Theory in Migration. This theoretical approach posits that
migration is a socially embedded process, where information, resources,
emotional support, and even opportunities circulate through kinship ties, friendship
networks, and diasporic communities (Boyd, 1989; Ryan, 2011). As migrants navigate uncertainty
in times of crisis, social networks become crucial in both decision-making and
survival-often more influential than formal institutional structures (Schrooten, 2025; Toma & Eleonora,
2015).
The
role of networks in shaping migration is neither uniform nor one-directional.
Rather, social ties can both enable and constrain mobility. For example, strong
ties within family and close communities may provide critical immediate
assistance-such as housing, translation help, or childcare-upon arrival (Granovetter, 1973; Levitt &
Schiller, 2004). At the same time, weak ties and
broader diasporic or transnational networks may play a pivotal role in
transmitting crucial information about job markets, legal procedures, or
education systems (Faist, 2000; McKenzie &
Rapoport, 2007). Online communication technologies
and digital platforms have further expanded these transnational connections,
creating hybrid spaces where decisions are increasingly influenced by instant
messages, group chats, and social media forums (Dekker et al., 2018; Komito, 2011).
In
the context of the Ukrainian refugee crisis, these networks serve not only as
logistical facilitators but also as emotional lifelines. Pre-existing
connections in Warsaw or Berlin often functioned as anchoring points for
displaced individuals who faced immense uncertainty. These relationships helped
mitigate the psychological toll of displacement by offering cultural
continuity, a sense of belonging, and trusted sources of guidance (Alam et al., 2011; Boccagni, 2017). Moreover, the presence of
established Ukrainian diasporas in certain European cities created mechanisms
of chain migration, whereby one individual’s successful integration encourages
the arrival of others from the same region (Lindquist et al.,
2012; Palloni et al., 2001).
Nevertheless,
reliance on social networks is not without its limitations. While networks may
reduce the cost and risk of migration, they can also lead to overdependence,
reinforce socio-economic inequalities within migrant communities, or slow
integration by clustering newcomers into ethnically homogeneous enclaves (Kone & Özden,
2020; Portes &
Rumbaut, 2001). In some cases, networks reproduce
exclusionary practices by gatekeeping access to scarce resources or spreading
misinformation. Therefore, the challenge lies in balancing the supportive
functions of networks with the need for broader structural integration. Against
this backdrop, this study investigates how displaced Ukrainians in Budapest,
Warsaw, and Berlin navigated their forced migration experiences through social
networks. It seeks to understand the degree to which these networks influenced
their destination choices, survival strategies, and integration pathways.
To explore the lived experiences of
displaced Ukrainians who have settled in Budapest, Warsaw, and Berlin based on
network theory.
Qualitative analysis of experience of
displaced Ukrainians: To which extent can the network theory explain the
destination preferences of displaced Ukrainians for Budapest, Warsaw and
Berlin?
The displacement caused by the
Russo-Ukrainian war has led to unprecedented levels of forced migration across
Eastern and Central Europe. Countries such as Poland, Hungary, and Germany have
become primary destinations due to geographic proximity, political policies,
and humanitarian responses (UNHCR., 2023).
Scholars have explored various factors influencing refugee destination choices,
such as legal frameworks, economic opportunities, and state welfare provisions (Castles et
al., 2014). However, there is growing
recognition that social networks also play a central role in shaping these
decisions, especially in conflict-driven migration (Bakewell,
2010; Crawley & and Skleparis, 2018).
Network theory, particularly as
applied in migration sociology, explores how interpersonal and community ties
influence individual decisions about movement, settlement, and integration. At
its core, network theory conceptualizes individuals as embedded in relational
structures that shape their opportunities and constraints (Wasserman
& Faust, 1994). Migration networks reduce
the costs and risks of movement by facilitating the flow of information,
resources, and emotional support (Massey et
al., 1993). These networks are especially crucial during forced migration,
where formal structures may be inaccessible. Granovetter
(1973)
in his influential work on the strength of weak ties
emphasizes that social connections can provide vital access to new information such
as job openings, housing options, or asylum procedures, which make them key to
migrant decision making. Similarly, Burt (1992) structural
holes theory demonstrates that individuals who bridge disconnected
social clusters may access diverse resources and hold advantageous positions
within social systems, which is an important insight for understanding
differential access among displaced populations.
Further, empirical research on
displacement often reveals that refugees and asylum seekers rely heavily on
informal networks to choose destinations, find housing, and access services (Phillimore,
2013; Ryan, 2011). For instance, Polish and Syrian
migrants have been shown to follow pre-established kin and friendship networks
when settling in European cities (Koser &
Pinkerton, 2002; Ryan et al., 2008).
These networks often compensate for institutional gaps and provide culturally
specific support that state systems may not. In the case of Ukrainians
displaced by war, early studies suggest that cities like Warsaw
and Berlin attract migrants not just because of state
assistance but also due to the visibility of diaspora networks,
cultural familiarity, and peer support (Pachocka et
al., 2020). Warsaw’s proximity and shared Slavic roots, Berlin’s diverse
immigrant infrastructure, and Budapest’s strategic location each appeal to
different segments of the displaced Ukrainian population, often mediated by
where people already know someone.
While migration literature has
increasingly acknowledged the importance of social networks, there remains a
lack of focused qualitative studies that explore how displaced populations
themselves experience these networks. Moreover, specific comparisons
across destination cities such as Budapest, Warsaw, and Berlin are rare,
particularly about the role of interpersonal relationships and
community connectivity in shaping preferences. A deeper, lived experience-based
application of network theory is thus timely and necessary. Moreover, network
theory provides a compelling framework for analyzing the destination
preferences of displaced Ukrainians. It transcends macro-structural
explanations by contextualizing migrant agency within intricate and dynamic
networks of social relations. This review highlights the need for more
grounded, qualitative explorations of how displaced people live and
navigate their networks in urban Europe.
This study is grounded in Social
Network Theory in Migration, which emphasizes the critical role of
interpersonal and institutional networks in shaping migration flows, settlement
decisions, and integration outcomes. Originally conceptualized to explain the continuation
of migration beyond its economic or political origins (Boyd, 1989; Massey et
al., 1993), this theory now provides a robust
lens for understanding how displaced individuals navigate complex transnational
and urban landscapes. For displaced Ukrainians in Budapest, Warsaw, and Berlin,
social networks act not merely as support systems but as dynamic structures
that mediate access to resources, influence destination preferences, and
generate cumulative migration patterns. The theoretical framework is structured
around seven interrelated themes that reflect the
comprehensive influence of social networks across the migrant journey:
Ø
Migration Decision Making: Migration
decisions are often made collectively, influenced by advice and experiences
shared within close social circles. Networks reduce the uncertainty of
migration by offering real-time information about host country conditions,
legal procedures, and potential risks (Boyd, 1989; de Haas, 2021).
These networks operate as informal risk management systems, guiding individuals
toward specific destinations based on perceived safety, community presence, or
opportunity structures (Tilly, 2005).
Ø
Chain Migration and Network Expansion: The
presence of family, friends, or community members in host cities facilitates chain migration, enabling new migrants
to follow established paths. These pathways are expanded as earlier migrants
assist newcomers in resettlement, thereby reproducing specific migration
corridors and reinforcing particular destination choices (Faist, 2000; Ryan & Mulholland, 2015). Social media and digital
platforms further accelerate this expansion, allowing migrants to remain
connected and attract others.
Ø
Resource Sharing and Support: Networks
often serve as critical intermediaries in accessing housing, healthcare,
childcare, and bureaucratic support. In line with Granovetter
(1973)
concept of the “strength of weak ties,” migrants utilize both strong and peripheral
connections to fill institutional vacuums, especially in the early stages of
displacement. Informal help from ethnic or transnational networks becomes vital
when formal systems are slow or inaccessible (Lubbers et al., 2020; Portes & Sensenbrenner, 1993)
Ø
Economic Opportunities: Access
to employment and vocational training is significantly mediated by social
networks. Migrants often bypass formal application procedures through personal
referrals, informal job markets, or ethnic employers (Engbersen et al., 2013). These networks also provide
language learning resources and guidance for credential recognition. However,
gendered dynamics such as childcare responsibilities may restrict access to
these economic pathways (Kilkey, 2017; Kofman, 2018).
Ø
Cultural and Identity Preservation: Social
networks play a vital role in maintaining cultural continuity and identity amidst
displacement. Religious institutions, cultural associations, and online
communities offer spaces where linguistic, religious, and familial practices
can continue (Levitt, 2001). Migrants thus construct transnational identities, balancing
between origin and host cultures, often resulting in a “bifocal” cultural
engagement (Carling & and Collins, 2018).
Ø Barriers
to Integration: While networks provide support, they can also constrain integration
when they remain inward-looking or homogeneous. Limited bridging capital across
ethnic and institutional boundaries may lead to exclusion from broader host
society structures, such as education, housing, or political participation (Ager & Strang, 2008). Emotional exhaustion,
particularly among individuals supporting extended networks, may lead to a
selective disengagement from ethnic ties.
Ø
Feedback Loop / Cumulative Causation: Over
time, social networks reinforce themselves through cumulative causation, where each successful act of migration
increases the likelihood of future migration. As argued by de Haas
(2021),
migration becomes self-sustaining through feedback loops, institutional
adaptation, and expanding digital and physical infrastructure. Communication
platforms, workplace communities, and diaspora organizations solidify the
long-term presence and orientation toward permanence in host cities.
In sum, Social
Network Theory offers a multidimensional lens that illuminates the lived
experiences of displaced Ukrainians beyond conventional structural push-pull
paradigms. It foregrounds migrant agency as socially embedded, demonstrating
how migration decisions, coping mechanisms, and identity constructions are
co-produced through both interpersonal networks and institutional interactions.
1.6.1. Research Design
This study adopts a qualitative
research design to explore the lived experiences and destination
preferences of displaced Ukrainians who have resettled in Budapest, Warsaw, and
Berlin. Given the exploratory nature of the research, qualitative inquiry
provides the flexibility to capture in-depth, nuanced understandings of
migrants’ social networks, motivations, and integration processes. The study is
grounded in the Social Network Theory in Migration, which
serves both as a conceptual lens and as an organizing framework for data
collection and thematic analysis.
1.6.2. Sampling and Participants
The study employed purposive
sampling to select participants who were displaced due to the ongoing
conflict in Ukraine and have resettled in one of the three cities: Budapest,
Warsaw, and Berlin. A total of eight in-depth interviews were
conducted with Ukrainian migrants, ensuring variation in age, gender,
education, occupation, and duration of displacement to capture diverse
perspectives. Inclusion criteria for participants included: (i) Ukrainian
nationality, (ii) Displacement due to war or armed conflict, (iii) Current
residence in one of the three selected cities, (iv) Willingness to participate
and provide informed consent.
Data were collected using semi-structured,
in-depth interviews, allowing participants to freely narrate their
experiences while ensuring that key themes relevant to the study were explored.
An interview guide was developed, focusing on: (i) Migration decision making
processes, (ii) Role of personal and extended social networks, (iii) Access to
support and resources, (iv) Economic activities and job opportunities, (v) Cultural
identity and adaptation, (vi) Barriers and challenges in integration, (vii) Communication
flows and feedback mechanisms. Interviews were conducted in English, depending
on participant preference. Each interview lasted approximately 45–60
minutes, and all interviews were audio-recorded with
consent and later transcribed verbatim for analysis.
Thematic analysis was employed
to identify, analyze, and report patterns within the data. Analysis was deductively guided by
the seven core themes of the Social
Network Theory in Migration:
1.
Migration Decision-Making
2.
Chain Migration & Network Expansion
3.
Resource Sharing and Support
4.
Economic Opportunities
5.
Cultural and Identity Preservation
6.
Barriers to Integration
7.
Feedback Loop / Cumulative Causation
Interview transcripts were
carefully read and coded using MAXQDA, and key segments were categorized under
relevant thematic areas. Cross-case comparison was employed to identify
similarities and differences across cities.
Ethical approval was obtained
from the relevant institutional review board. Participants were informed about
the purpose of the study, their right to withdraw at any time, and the
confidentiality of their data. Informed consent was obtained
before each interview. All identifying information was anonymized to protect
participants’ privacy and well-being.
1.7.1. Theme 1: Migration Decision Making
The
migration decision-making processes of displaced Ukrainians are deeply embedded
in social contexts shaped by both immediate threats and long-standing social
networks. Several participants described decisions that were made rapidly under
pressure, highlighting how social ties played a crucial role even in emergency
contexts. One respondent recalled:
“We packed our stuff really fast, we literally had a half
hour to pack things up when everyone, even children, were running and putting
everything they grabbed in a suitcase.”
This quote exemplifies how decision-making was an urgent, collective act,
emphasizing the shared risk and support among family members. The perception of
safety and well-being was often informed by personal or mediated experiences
within their networks. One respondent described:
“There’s a military unit 50 meters from my house. You don’t
know what will happen and when it will happen.”
Such firsthand exposure to danger was a critical push
factor, yet the choice of where
to go was influenced by available social contacts and familiarity. For example,
another said:
“I thought about going to Vienna as I have friends there. But it was better
to come here, there are more ‘our’ people here.”
This reflects the classic function of social networks in
guiding migrants toward destinations with familial ties, increasing the
perception of belonging and support. Family considerations also factored
heavily in migration choices. A respondent noted:
“My mom has already mentioned a couple of times that she
might return to Mariupol. And it gives me chills... I would love for them to
move here, but they have a language barrier.”
Here, we observe intergenerational and linguistic dynamics influencing who
migrates, when, and where, despite evident security risks. In another account,
a sister’s prior migration and successful adaptation played a key role:
“I was thinking of going to England... [but] my sister...
persuaded me to go to Germany, because they had already been here for 3 weeks,
and they already had some opportunities.”
This example underscores how information flow within networks can redirect
migration decisions toward more viable destinations. Emotional investments in
children’s futures also significantly shape decision-making. One mother shared:
“I definitely don’t want my children to grow up in ruins...
that’s why I agree to accept all these nuances... I also want to live, that’s
why I am ready to deal with the defects and nuances of this system.”
This shows how long-term aspirations and moral obligations
within familial networks influenced the acceptance of short-term hardships. Even
where formal family ties had been dissolved, relational networks continued to
influence mobility:
“We have been divorced for 4 years, but we communicate as
parents. I decided to take the children there so that they can spend a week
with their dad.”
This underlines how durable and flexible personal ties
remain active in shaping migration trajectories even after structural changes
in relationships.
1.7.2. Theme 2: Chain Migration and Network Expansion
The
narratives of displaced Ukrainians in Berlin, Warsaw, and Budapest intensely
illustrate how social networks not only influenced initial migration decisions
but also continuously facilitated settlement and integration. Several
participants directly benefited from pre-existing professional or community
ties, which enabled smoother transitions. For example, one respondent
recounted:
“My friends, we work together in production in Kyiv. In
Hungary, and in particular in Budapest, there is a very big production
studio... The girls from this studio provided us with housing.”
This demonstrates a classic case of chain migration, where established contacts in a new location
lower the barriers for newcomers by offering logistical and emotional support.
Likewise, organizational connections across borders facilitated migration
and resettlement.
“Our Kyiv club was built together with the German clubs
association, and the guys who worked with us in the Kyiv office now work here.
They help everyone who has come to get settled here.”
Such cases emphasize how institutional linkages and
transnational professional networks serve as powerful conduits for migration,
offering both employment endurance and community belonging. The migration
pathways were also expanded through less formal, unexpected encounters. One
participant shared:
“We accidentally met a woman from my house, I hadn’t known
her, but the children had noticed each other.”
Another noted:
“We have also met here my son’s classmate, also in
Tiergarten... you’re so happy to meet some of yours here.”
These chance connections within local neighborhoods
highlight the organic expansion
of networks through everyday interactions, often rooted in shared language,
experiences, or community spaces. The role of cross-cultural and international
networks was equally evident. A respondent noted forming a friendship at a
café:
“A woman at the neighboring table started talking to me in
German... we started chatting, and it turned into a friendship. I have the
opportunity to meet with her once a week.”
Another mentioned:
“We have formed an international community, and we are like
a family now.”
These examples indicate that network expansion is not limited to ethnic ties. Migrants also
build bridging ties with locals and other international residents, enriching
their support systems and cultural integration. Moreover, family-based chain
migration was also evident in the way migrants facilitated the arrival of
relatives:
“My brother came two days ago with his pregnant daughter and
his 14-year-old son... we initially accommodated them at our place.”
Such family-driven extensions of the network reflect a snowballing effect, where one
successful migration event enables others. Further, Institutional navigation
was often made possible through these personal efforts. One participant
described:
“I wrote a letter to the migration service... they took my
passport, realizing that it was me who wrote the letter. After 8 days, they found
them a place to live.”
This not only illustrates personal agency within a networked context but also how individuals
act as intermediaries to extend institutional access to newly arrived kin. Finally,
network sustainability and mutual reciprocity were reflected in participants’
efforts to maintain and widen their social circles:
“If I need any help from you and you can help, I will turn
to you... So our circle is now a little wider.”
And:
“We started interacting with our compatriots... How can you have a genuine
human connection with people if she arrived alone with a child... and I came
with my family?”
These statements show both the strengths and limitations of
network expansion, shaped by shared migration histories, family configurations,
and available social capital.
1.7.3. Theme 3: Resource Sharing and Support
The
experiences of displaced Ukrainians in Budapest, Warsaw, and Berlin underscore
the vital role of resource sharing and social support in their migration
journeys and post-migration adjustment. Upon arrival, many refugees benefited
directly from the hospitality and generosity of both familiar contacts and
strangers. One respondent recalled:
“They help people for free. For example, they met me and my
friend at the bus station.”
Such
gestures reflect the immediate,
practical aid that often emerges from existing or newly activated social
ties. Another shared:
“In Khmelnitsky, we were sheltered by strangers. They put us
in two apartments... the children slept on the beds. We adults slept on the
floor. But many thanks to them, they fed us so deliciously.”
This shows that non-kin networks,
even temporary or informal, play a crucial role in facilitating basic needs
during crises. Support also extended into bureaucratic navigation and healthcare
access, especially when migrants were unfamiliar with host-country systems. One
mother shared:
“There was a situation... a 2-year-old child had a high
temperature... I asked the moms in the creative house... they said, the
ambulance will not come, you have to lower the temperature, take your child,
and bring your child to the hospital.”
This
indicates how peer knowledge networks
serve as an alternative information system, helping refugees adapt to different
medical and social infrastructures. Often, material and emotional assistance
came from extended personal networks or even from special encounters. One
participant noted:
“One German man helped me, he gave us tablets... so that my
child could study somehow, and that was really cool. Somehow, our life started
being organized.”
Here,
access to digital tools often crucial for education and integration, was made
possible through individual acts of generosity. Similarly, social connections
facilitated access to public benefits:
“At my son’s school... the price of the excursion is 300 euros... but since
I have a Berlin pass, it’s free for me. It’s an awesome opportunity.”
Another
said:
“At the beginning of the war, friends from Germany, from
Berlin, wrote to me. They said that if I needed help or money, they could send it.”
Such
examples highlight how transnational
networks can be reactivated during crises to provide cross-border
assistance, often preceding formal institutional help. Social organizations and
community groups also played significant roles in mediating access to state
services. As one respondent said:
“I went to my organization, ‘Moms of Special Children’,
because there’s a mother there who helps with documents.”
This
quote demonstrates how peer-based and
grassroots support networks often fill the gaps left by overstretched
bureaucracies, particularly for vulnerable populations. Support was often
reciprocal and continued over time. One participant shared:
“We contacted a woman who dealt with refugees in our town...
she said, ‘Yes, there is an apartment.”
This suggests how previous beneficiaries of support, or those connected to
experienced intermediaries, become nodes of assistance for newcomers.
Similarly, another respondent mentioned helping relatives navigate the system:
“My brother and his family arrived... we initially accommodated
them at our place.”
Despite
receiving help, many participants also reflected on their limitations and
efforts to offer what little they could. One stated:
“We have the opportunity to help, we do so... but when
you're constantly limited in finances... it becomes difficult.”
This
speaks to the dual nature of support
networks: they both give and strain under the weight of need,
particularly in prolonged displacement situations. Finally, systemic delays and
inefficiencies were sometimes attributed to abuse or overload of the system, as
one noted:
“Considering our mentality, they just begged for those 400
euros and went back... I think that’s why they were slowing down this insurance
issuing process.”
This
highlights the fragility and
politicization of formal support systems, which can impact collective
access to services even within a networked community.
1.7.4. Theme 4: Economic Opportunities
Several
respondents highlighted the continuity and disruption in their professional
trajectories. For instance, one participant described:
“I lived in the city of Kyiv, worked in production, and at
weekends I worked in the biggest underground club, which was built by the
Germans, by the way... I worked as a bartender.”
This
reflects how pre-existing occupational skills and social contacts, including
transnational links such as German involvement in Kyiv’s nightlife, inform
migrants’ initial economic activities and aspirations. In addition, language
acquisition emerged as a critical factor facilitating access to better
employment:
“She learned German and Italian, and currently she works at an
Italian company as a Tech Support Consultant. She has quite a good salary.”
Social
networks often function as vital channels for language acquisition and job
referrals, thereby expanding migrants’ access to opportunities beyond informal
or low-skilled labor. The diverse and multifunctional roles that migrants
assume within informal settings were also highlighted
“I am an Office Manager... I do a lot of coordination... I
find them and then control their work.”
This illustrates migrants’ flexibility and informal social capital deployed to
manage office environments and community needs, often relying on extensive
interpersonal relations. However, credential recognition and labor market
segmentation pose significant barriers. One participant observed:
“I will need to confirm my diploma, and maybe I can find a
job teaching in some Ukrainian class.”
Another lamented the underutilization of professional skills due to childcare
and caregiving responsibilities:
“I am a financier... but for the previous 9 years... I hadn’t worked
officially... but I found what I would like to do, before the war.”
These
reflections highlight how social and familial networks intersect with
structural obstacles, influencing migrants’ employment choices and economic
participation. Financial precocity is a recurring theme, with one respondent
emphasizing:
“I calculated all our spending for April... without the job,
I won’t be able to cover any other expenses.”
Such testimonies reveal the crucial role that employment plays within networks
as a foundation for economic stability and support. The tension between job
aspirations and familial priorities was voiced clearly:
“If you want a managerial position with a good salary, you
belong to the company. Your priorities, family, and children are something
incomprehensible.”
This
points to the complex negotiation migrants face between economic integration
and family responsibilities, often mediated through community norms and
expectations. Differing perceptions of consumption and lifestyle needs also
emerged:
“When I listen to my girls getting a manicure for 50 euros,
to me that’s not basic stuff... but I will spend it on food.”
This
reflects cultural values and economic priorities maintained and shared within
migrant networks. Access to new occupations is often contingent on language
proficiency and formal qualifications, as noted:
“Maybe if I take an intensive course and have some level of
German, I could work in a kindergarten.”
and
“A German acquaintance told me that... I can easily arrange a job for you as
a social pedagogue in a dormitory.”
Such
statements underscore the pivotal role of social ties to host-country residents
in bridging migrants to new sectors. Some respondents expressed increased
financial confidence relative to their pre-war situation:
“Financially, I feel more confident and stable here than I
did in Ukraine.”
Yet, the high cost and scarcity of housing, as well as challenges in accessing
certain jobs, present ongoing economic barriers:
“If there are 1000 families and only 100 apartments... one
can only imagine how long such a family will wait.”
and
“I tried to get a job in a warehouse... ‘No, what are you thinking?! You
don’t know the language! It’s ridiculous.”
Lastly,
migrants demonstrated adaptability and openness to diverse employment, even
outside their prior professional fields:
“I’ve been coming to work wearing a suit and a tie for 20
years, but I’m not afraid of any work... manual workers are in demand here.”
Such
pragmatism, often encouraged and supported within social networks, facilitates
economic survival and integration.
1.7.5. Theme 5: Cultural and Identity Preservation
The
preservation and negotiation of cultural identity among displaced Ukrainians in
Budapest, Warsaw, and Berlin are strongly mediated through social networks,
which serve as both anchors of cultural continuity and bridges to new cultural
contexts. Participants expressed a nuanced engagement with local culture,
reflecting both admiration and a desire for integration. For example, one
respondent noted:
“German graffiti is very stylish and engaging. I also need
to learn more about the city; it is a young and dynamic place.”
This
illustrates how social and cultural exposure through networks can foster
openness and active cultural learning, reinforcing migrants’ sense of belonging
while preserving their unique perspectives. Additionally, language acquisition
emerged as a critical element shaping cultural adaptation and identity
preservation. A participant shared:
“I learned both German and English at the university... I
could do a perfect written translation, but I still couldn’t chatter as others
do. But in general, it’s fine.”
This
reflects how social networks support linguistic skill development, which in
turn facilitates communication and cultural integration, even when
conversational proficiency remains a challenge.
The
role of interpersonal networks in fostering a sense of community and belonging
was evident in participants’ experiences with neighbors and cultural groups:
“I got the room. I met them and then met the other
tenants... I have good neighbors, and I still live here; everything is fine.”
and
“The graffiti community is very developed here, and I have friends whom I
occasionally meet at exhibitions.”
Such
connections demonstrate how social ties help migrants create supportive
micro-communities that uphold shared cultural interests and identities. Simultaneously,
participants highlighted the complexity of integrating beyond co-ethnic
circles. One respondent remarked:
“I’m trying to integrate, not just with Ukrainians... many
have barriers, cultural mentality... they are scared, they can’t interact, communicate
with new people. I don’t have that. I try... maybe I just talk a lot, open to communication.”
This suggests variation in individual willingness and capacity to bridge
cultural divides, facilitated by differing social networks and personal
dispositions. Adjusting to differing social norms and institutional rules also
posed challenges. A participant observed:
“In Ukraine, we usually turn on the washing machine at
night... here, when I start my washing machine after some hours... somebody can
call the police.”
This
underscores the importance of local knowledge networks in helping migrants
learn and respect host-country customs, which in turn affects social acceptance
and cultural negotiation. The theme of cultural preservation is especially
salient in family dynamics, particularly concerning children’s schooling and
socialization. One mother explained:
“My son had a hard time adapting... I didn’t want to put them through additional stress by enrolling them in a German school.”
Another
shared concern about peer dynamics among children:
“We bought a hoodie with the word ‘school’ for him...
another child from Ukraine didn’t get one... It’s some kind of envy... I
haven’t noticed this kind of attitude from German children... it also probably
depends on the school.”
These
narratives reveal how social networks within the migrant community both
preserve cultural bonds and sometimes reproduce intra-group tensions, affecting
children’s identity formation and social integration.
Language
use within families exemplifies the fluid negotiation of identity, as described
by a respondent:
“With the younger children, they are already integrated.
They speak Russian with me and German among themselves.”
This
bilingual interaction reflects how social networks facilitate both cultural
preservation at home and adaptation in the external environment. Religious and
faith-based networks also play a role in identity maintenance and social
cohesion:
“They organized their Protestant church here... About 50% of
these people from Melitopol are connected to each other through this church.”
Such
networks provide spiritual support and reinforce shared values, traditions, and
collective identity within displacement contexts. Finally, participants
actively sought to establish their place within the new cultural landscape:
“We didn’t wait for anyone to refer us anywhere. We
deliberately went for walks near our accommodation in search of a school and a
kindergarten.”
This
proactive behavior reflects how social agency, supported by networks, enables
migrants to navigate new environments while preserving cultural and familial
priorities.
1.7.6. Theme 6: Barriers to Integration
A
significant barrier reported by participants relates to administrative and
bureaucratic complexities, particularly registration and access to social
services. One participant noted the confusion and reliance on peer networks for
guidance:
“Since I don’t have a registration yet. First, I will go to
the girls in the office, and then together we will decide on further action
since I have no idea how it all works here.”
This
underscores how migrants depend on informal networks to navigate institutional
procedures that are often opaque and fragmented. Feelings of stigma and social
exclusion also limit integration. As one respondent shared:
“Honestly, I didn’t even want to tell anyone that I am from
Ukraine because I understood that they would pity me.”
Such
social perceptions can isolate migrants, restricting the formation of bridging
social capital with host communities. Language barriers were consistently
highlighted as a core obstacle to integration, affecting everyday communication
and access to employment:
“Some people even told me that I don’t need the German language
here yet. But I think it’s necessary to learn it for me to work.”
and
“The language barrier is very strong, but I think that’s our problem. We
should have learned it better at school and home in Ukraine.”
Participants’
reflections reveal both the critical importance of linguistic skills and the
ways networks facilitate or inhibit language learning, which in turn shapes
social and economic opportunities. Educational integration challenges were also
evident. One participant described their difficulty in securing school
placement for their children:
“I sent seven emails saying, ‘We have this registration, and
we’re looking for a school’. Then I waited for responses... ‘We are not your
school based on the registration - goodbye.”
This
illustrates how institutional policies and network limitations intersect to
exclude or delay migrant children’s access to education, deepening integration
barriers. Social isolation among vulnerable groups such as the elderly was
another recurrent theme:
“My mother and mother-in-law are old already, they don’t
know the language and can’t find their way on the subway, and they can’t go
anywhere themselves.”
Here,
weak social ties and limited linguistic competence intensify dependency and
constrain autonomy. Health system navigation also posed a significant
challenge:
“Healthcare is the only downside I have found... My daughter
has a serious diagnosis... they don't provide a specific form for me to state
the diagnosis.”
This
reflects institutional inflexibility and gaps in culturally competent care,
which networks can partially mitigate through shared knowledge or advocacy but
cannot fully overcome. Economic barriers further compounded integration
difficulties. High housing costs, coupled with limited access to credit,
restrict migrants’ housing options:
“If you decide to rent a six-bedroom apartment, it would
cost 3,000 Euro a month... no one would grant a loan to a refugee from
Ukraine.”
Financial
exclusion thus not only affects living conditions but also undermines the stability
necessary for integration. Instances of discrimination and social exclusion
based on language or perceived national identity were also reported:
“They hear the Russian language and stop servicing me in a
shop... They say, ‘We do not serve citizens of the Russian Federation.”
Such
experiences erode trust and deter migrants from engaging with broader social
networks, limiting opportunities for social cohesion. Finally, difficulties in
accessing healthcare professionals further illustrate systemic integration
barriers:
“We’re still searching for both a pediatrician and a family
doctor. Sooner or later, we’ll also need a dentist, and if we don't find
one...”
This
uncertainty highlights gaps in service provision and the limits of migrants’
networks to secure timely medical care.
1.7.7. Theme 7: Feedback Loop / Cumulative Causation
Participants
described how communication platforms such as group chats serve as vital tools
for coordination, information exchange, and social support, facilitating
network expansion:
“We all decided to set up a chat to be more coordinated.
More people joined the chat. In that chat that I created, we got about 80
people.”
This
exemplifies how dense communication networks reinforce social ties and
collective action, thereby attracting further migration and settlement within
established communities. Workplace networks also contribute to the cumulative
reinforcement of destination choices. One participant noted:
“There are also people from the club that I cooperate
with... almost all of them are here, the whole office of 8-10 people... their
management is from Berlin.”
These
trans local professional ties support economic opportunities and integration by
linking migrants to familiar social environments and resources in the
destination cities. The shifting priorities of migrants, as the immediate
trauma of war recedes, illustrate how social networks influence ongoing
adaptation and stabilization:
“The war shifted to the background. And I just continue to
do something, live.”
Such
shifts reflect the normalization of new social environments facilitated by
supportive networks, which help migrants focus on rebuilding their lives. Institutional
networks also play a role in shaping integration outcomes. One respondent
recognized the structured control and support of public bodies:
“The job center controls things strictly... I understand
that the goal of the job center is for Ukrainians to integrate, stay, and work
for the government.”
This
underscores how formal institutional networks interact with informal migrant
networks to influence integration trajectories. However, participants also
conveyed ambivalence toward intra-ethnic socialization due to emotional
burdens:
“I’m not really inclined to socialize with Ukrainians
because... it’s very depressing since everyone has problems... it weighs me
down.”
This
highlights the complex emotional dynamics within migrant networks, which can
both support and constrain social engagement and wellbeing. Looking toward the
future, migrants emphasize language acquisition and skill development as
critical for sustained integration and potential permanence:
“If in the nearest future we will not be able to go home
because of the war, then I would like us to be able to learn the language, and
I would really like to work in a German kindergarten.”
This
forward-looking orientation is indicative of cumulative causation, whereby the
presence of established networks fosters aspirations for deeper embedding in
the host society. Family reunifications, facilitated by network ties, reinforce
social stability and attachment to destination locations:
“They drove
their own car... we had such a family reunion - my family, my brother's family
and my sister's family.”
Such
reunions not only strengthen social capital but also create reinforcing loops
encouraging continued settlement. Expressions of gratitude and positive
perceptions of host societies reflect the role of welcoming networks in
encouraging retention:
“I am constantly grateful for the warm reception... Germany
has done so much for me personally... Germany provides such a great opportunity
for Ukrainians to integrate here.”
These
sentiments affirm the cumulative effect of supportive networks and
institutional frameworks in sustaining migration flows. Conversely, economic
and linguistic constraints persist, limiting upward mobility and fostering
recalibrations of migrant goals:
“So I can’t earn money to buy an apartment because I don’t
know the language... without the language and without knowing the applicable
German law, I’m at best a manual worker here.”
These
challenges exemplify how limited social capital and structural barriers temper
cumulative integration outcomes. Finally, migrant’s express pragmatic
expectations about their future:
“Logically, I don't think they will invest so much money in
us just to say, Okay, now go back.”
This
reflects how sustained network connections and institutional investments create
anticipatory feedback loops, reinforcing intentions to remain and integrate in
host countries.
This study examined the lived
experiences and destination preferences of displaced Ukrainians in Budapest,
Warsaw, and Berlin through the lens of Social Network Theory in Migration. The
findings across all seven thematic areas reveal that social networks function
not merely as supportive backdrops but as dynamic and evolving systems that
influence every phase of the migration journey from initial decision-making to
long-term integration and settlement.
Consistent with foundational
work by Boyd (1989) and Massey et al.
(1993),
the study confirms that migration decisions are rarely made in isolation.
Instead, migrants heavily relied on interpersonal ties, particularly close
family members and friends for information, reassurance, and guidance in selecting
their destinations. These networks acted as informal yet powerful agents of
risk mitigation, shaping decisions based on perceived safety, opportunity
structures, and cultural familiarity. The role of chain migration emerged
strongly, with pre-existing social ties in host cities leading to spatial
concentration and occupational clustering, echoing the assertion that social
networks both reflect and reproduce migration systems (Faist, 2000).
Resource mobilization was
central to early-stage survival, aligning with Granovetter
(1973)
“strength of weak ties” thesis. Even peripheral acquaintances often facilitated
access to temporary housing, healthcare services, digital communication tools,
and bureaucratic systems. While institutional supports were present, migrants
often prioritized peer-to-peer strategies to navigate gaps in formal service
provision, supporting the notion of embeddedness within community-led support
networks (Portes &
Sensenbrenner, 1993). Further, economic
integration was similarly network-driven. Participants reported using personal
and community-based contacts to secure employment, access language learning
opportunities, and overcome credentialing obstacles. These findings resonate
with more recent studies (Engbersen et
al., 2013; Ryan, 2011)
that illustrate how informal social capital plays a pivotal role in navigating
host-country labor markets. Nonetheless, persistent challenges such as the
devaluation of prior qualifications and gendered caregiving
roles—disproportionately affected women and hindered full economic
participation, reaffirming findings from contemporary gendered migration
scholarship (Kilkey, 2017; Kofman, 2018).
Social networks also functioned
as vital cultural anchors. Migrants used them to maintain linguistic
continuity, religious practices, and identity formation, supporting (Levitt, 2001) concept of “transnational villagers.” Bilingual
parenting, religious community engagement, and socialization in hybrid cultural
spaces reflected the complex negotiations of identity in transnational
settings. However, the study also revealed the limitations of dense, homogenous
networks. Language barriers, housing insecurity, and bureaucratic opacity were
often exacerbated by a lack of bridging capital. These findings align with the integration
framework, which stresses the importance of both bonding and bridging social
capital in fostering successful integration outcomes (Ager & Strang, 2008).
Importantly, the research
highlights cumulative causation and the feedback mechanisms embedded within
migrant networks. Social media platforms, workplace clustering, and
institutional intermediaries (e.g., job centers) contributed to the
normalization and stabilization of migrant life in host cities. These patterns align
with (de Haas, 2021) theory of migration systems, in which mobility
becomes self-reinforcing over time, often transforming initially temporary
displacements into long-term or even permanent resettlement trajectories.
This
study underscores the centrality of social networks in shaping migration
experiences. Through the lens of Social Network Theory, it becomes evident that
interpersonal ties and community connections are not peripheral but
foundational to every stage of displacement, from urgent decision-making and
initial settlement to longer-term integration and identity negotiation.
Migrants rely extensively on both strong and weak ties to navigate complex
institutional landscapes, access resources, and foster economic opportunities.
Simultaneously, these networks function as vital cultural anchors, sustaining
identity and facilitating adaptation within new environments. However, the
research also reveals significant structural and emotional challenges, including
bureaucratic hurdles, language barriers, housing insecurity, and the emotional
toll of supporting extended networks. These factors highlight the limits of
social capital and the necessity of bridging ties to broader host society
institutions for successful integration. Furthermore, the study demonstrates
how cumulative causation and feedback loops embedded within networks contribute
to the normalization and potential permanence of displacement, reflecting
dynamic and evolving migration systems. Ultimately, this research contributes
to a deeper understanding of displaced populations’ lived realities,
emphasizing the interplay between migrant agency and social embeddedness. It
calls for policy approaches that recognize and strengthen both informal social
networks and formal institutional supports to enhance integration outcomes for
displaced Ukrainians and similar migrant groups facing protracted displacement.
Burt,
R. S. (1992). Structural Holes
The Social Structure
of Competition. Harvard University Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv1kz4h78