1. Introduction
Migration in Western Europe has
played a crucial role in shaping the region’s demographic, economic, and cultural
landscape. Historically, migration to Western Europe increased significantly
after World War II due to labor shortages, prompting countries like Germany,
France, and the United Kingdom to recruit “guest workers” from Southern Europe,
Turkey, and former colonies (Castles et
al., 2014; Penninx, 2018). Over time, migration patterns evolved with rising numbers of
asylum seekers and refugees fleeing conflicts in the Middle East, Africa, and
Eastern Europe, especially since the 1990s and the Syrian civil war in the
2010s. Migrants contribute substantially to the economies of host countries by
filling labor market gaps, particularly in sectors such as healthcare,
construction, and services. However, increased migration has also raised
challenges related to social integration, cultural identity, and political
tensions, with debates over immigration policy, border controls, and
multiculturalism dominating public discourse (Aiyar et al.,
2016). There are various types of
integration theories, including new assimilation theory, segmented assimilation
theory, acculturation theory, ethnic boundary-making theory, and
multiculturalism. Similarly, migration can be understood through different
theoretical lenses, such as classical migration theories I and classical
migration theories II (Castles et
al., 2014).
Acculturation theory explains
how migrants adjust to a new cultural environment, identifying four main
strategies: assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization (Berry, 1997; Sam &
Berry, 2016). Ethnic Boundary-Making
Theory, developed by Andreas Wimmer, emphasizes that ethnic identities and
group boundaries are not fixed but are socially constructed and
context-dependent. These boundaries can be reinforced, shifted, or blurred
through social interactions, state policies, and institutional arrangements (Hoff, 2015; Wimmer, 2008).
Further, Multiculturalism theory supports the coexistence of diverse cultural
groups within a society. It rejects forced assimilation and advocates for
cultural recognition, group-specific rights, and equal citizenship (Kymlicka, 1996; Modood, 2007). Classical
assimilation theory explains how immigrants gradually adopt the cultural norms,
values, and behaviors of the host society, often resulting in the loss of their
original cultural identity. It assumes a one-way process in which migrants must
conform to the dominant culture to achieve full acceptance (Park & Burgess, 1921). In contrast, the new assimilation theory
revises the classical model by recognizing that assimilation is not always
linear. It introduces the concept of “segmented assimilation,” where immigrants
may integrate into different segments of society—such as the middle class,
working class, or marginalized underclass—depending on factors like race,
class, and context (Alba & Nee, 2003; Portes &
Zhou, 1993)
Moreover, Classical migration theories (I) emerged from
economic and demographic perspectives, focusing on individual decision-making
and labor mobility. According to Ravenstein’s Laws of Migration (1885–1889),
migration typically occurs in stages and over short distances, with economic
opportunity being the primary driver, and young adults are more likely to migrate than older individuals (Ravenstein, 1885). Again, Neoclassical economic theory
views migration as driven by wage differentials and employment opportunities,
where individuals act rationally to maximize their income, leading to migration
flows from low-wage to high-wage regions (Todaro, 1969). Similarly, dual labor
market theory explains migration as a result of structural labor demands in
developed economies (Piore, 1979).
Further, classical migration theories
(II) include world systems theory, migration systems theory, and
historical-structural theory. World systems theory argues that migration is
linked to the global capitalist economy, where core (wealthy) countries attract
labor from peripheral (poorer) regions. It emphasizes how colonialism and
global trade disrupt local economies and drive migration (Wallerstein, 2011). Migration systems theory
posits that migration is shaped by historical, cultural, and social connections
between countries, with migrant networks and feedback mechanisms making
migration a self-sustaining process (Mabogunje, 1970). Finally,
historical-structural theory focuses on power, inequality, and dependency,
arguing that migration stems from underdevelopment caused by capitalist
expansion (Castles &
Kosack, 1985).
2. Research Objective
Ø To examine the applicability of the segmented assimilation
theory in explaining the integration trajectories of guest workers and their
descendants in Western Europe.
3. Research Question
Ø
Migration
and integration theories: To which extent can the segmented assimilation theory
be applied to the guest workers and their children in Western Europe?
4. Theory
Segmented assimilation
theory explains the divergent paths that children of contemporary
immigrants—the second generation—may follow as they adapt to life in the host
society. In contrast to the classical model of straight-line assimilation,
which assumes uniform integration into the mainstream, segmented assimilation
theory posits that assimilation is varied and shaped by multiple contextual
factors. It identifies three distinct assimilation outcomes: (i) upward
assimilation, (ii) downward assimilation, and (iii) selective acculturation (Portes &
Zhou, 1993).
Upward assimilation refers to
integration into the white middle class through educational attainment and
economic mobility. In contrast, downward assimilation occurs when individuals
face barriers such as poverty, racial discrimination, or limited institutional
support, which may lead to outcomes like school failure, unemployment, or
involvement in delinquent subcultures. Selective acculturation represents a
more balanced path, where individuals achieve economic advancement while
preserving strong ethnic ties, cultural values, and supportive social networks,
often resulting in the most stable and successful form of adaptation.
Several key factors influence
which path an individual or group may follow, including family structure,
socioeconomic background, racial and ethnic discrimination, neighborhood and
school environments, the strength of ethnic community support, levels of social
capital, cultural values, and intergenerational dynamics. The assimilation
process is thus shaped by the interaction between individual attributes—such as
educational attainment, age at arrival, and language proficiency—and structural
conditions, including systemic racism, poverty, and access to institutional
resources. As a result, different groups—and even individuals within the same
group—may experience distinct assimilation trajectories based on these
interrelated factors (Zhou, 1997).
5. Analysis
5.1.
Upward Assimilation
Guest
workers and their descendants in Western Europe experience upward assimilation
through multiple interrelated factors, including education, language
proficiency, neighborhood environments, economic conditions, and cultural
adaptation (Crul & and
Schneider, 2010; Heath & Brinbaum, 2014). Education is widely recognized as a critical avenue for social
mobility. Second-generation immigrants in many Western European countries have
demonstrated higher educational attainment than their parents and, in some cases,
even outperform their native-born peers (Crul & and
Schneider, 2010). However, disparities remain
depending on national education systems and socio-economic context (Heath &
Brinbaum, 2014).
Additionally, language proficiency,
particularly in English-speaking countries like the United Kingdom, plays a
crucial role in shaping labor market outcomes. In addition, Dustmann and Fabbri (2003) found a strong correlation between
English language skills and improved employment rates and earnings among
immigrants, highlighting language as a key factor in integration and
socio-economic advancement. Again, neighborhood
environment influences upward assimilation through access to quality
education, peer networks, and safety. Immigrant children raised in mixed or
middle-class neighborhoods typically have better educational and occupational
trajectories (Clampet-Lundquist, 2013).
According to Friedrichs et al. (2003), neighborhood effects are
particularly significant in shaping long-term opportunity structures. However,
the area of economic conditions
also determines the pace and success of assimilation. While first-generation
immigrants often occupy lower-income sectors, their children have shown
patterns of upward mobility, aided by better educational access and labor
market integration (Algan et al., 2010). This improvement reflects both
individual effort and broader socio-political contexts that support economic
inclusion. The cultural assimilation,
including civic participation, intermarriage, and the adoption of mainstream
societal norms, contributes to acceptance and full membership in host
societies. Alba and Nee (2003) propose that assimilation is not
linear but a two-way process, where both immigrants and host societies adapt. Koopmans (2013) further argues that national models
-whether multicultural or assimilationist-affect the extent and form of
cultural integration among immigrant groups.
5.2.Downward
Assimilation: Key Dimensions
Education
serves as a foundation for social mobility; however, children of many immigrant
backgrounds often face systemic disadvantages in Western European education
systems. Low teacher expectations, tracking systems, and limited academic
resources contribute to their underperformance relative to native peers (Crul &
Doomernik, 2003; Heath & Brinbaum, 2014). This educational gap perpetuates socio-economic
disparities across generations. Language
proficiency remains a critical barrier to integration,
particularly in English-speaking countries such as the UK. Immigrants and their
descendants with limited English skills face restricted access to quality
education and skilled employment opportunities, exacerbating their
marginalization (Dustmann
& Fabbri, 2003; Shields & Price, 2002). Neighborhood environment
significantly influences assimilation outcomes. Guest workers and their
families frequently reside in economically deprived, segregated neighborhoods
with limited access to quality schools, employment opportunities, and social
networks. Such environments reinforce social isolation and poverty, making
upward mobility difficult (Friedrichs et
al., 2003; Musterd, 2005). Economic conditions
further compound these challenges. Descendants of guest workers often find
themselves in low-wage, precarious employment sectors due to discrimination,
lack of credential recognition, and segmented labor markets (Algan et al.,
2010; Koopmans, 2013).
This economic marginalization restricts social mobility and deepens
inequalities. Finally, cultural integration is affected by
persistent experiences of exclusion and discrimination. Limited civic
engagement and feelings of alienation among some immigrant-origin youth can
lead to identity conflicts and social withdrawal, sometimes contributing to
radicalization. These cultural dynamics hinder full societal inclusion (Portes &
Zhou, 1993; Vertovec, 2007).
5.3.Selective
Acculturation
Guest workers and their
descendants in Western Europe often undergo a process of selective
acculturation, whereby they adopt certain aspects of the host society while
retaining elements of their original cultural identity. In terms of education,
selective acculturation manifests as immigrant families encouraging academic
achievement that aligns with host country norms, yet simultaneously fostering
heritage language maintenance and cultural values at home (Crul & and Schneider,
2010; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). English proficiency,
particularly in English-speaking countries like the UK, is acquired
strategically to access economic and social opportunities, though fluency
levels may vary depending on community support and schooling (Chiswick
& Miller, 2001; Dustmann & Fabbri, 2003). The neighborhood environment
plays a pivotal role; many descendants grow up in ethnically concentrated areas
where bicultural norms thrive, balancing integration with cultural preservation
(Alba & Nee, 2003; Musterd, 2005). Economically, selective acculturation enables
immigrants and their children to navigate labor markets by adopting workplace
norms and languages while sometimes relying on ethnic networks for job
opportunities, which can both facilitate and limit upward mobility (Algan et al.,
2010; Kanas et al., 2011).
Culturally, selective acculturation is characterized by hybrid identities,
where individuals integrate core societal values and behaviors but maintain
religious practices, family structures, and community ties reflective of their
origin countries, resulting in diverse acculturation patterns across groups and
generations (Berry, 1997; Koopmans, 2013). This
dual process illustrates how selective acculturation provides a flexible
pathway to integration, combining adaptation with cultural continuity.
6. Discussion
This study revisits the
segmented assimilation theory to evaluate its explanatory power in
understanding the integration trajectories of guest workers and their
descendants in Western Europe. The findings suggest that segmented assimilation
offers a useful, albeit contextually contingent, framework for interpreting the
divergent pathways of immigrant integration across generations.
The evidence of upward
assimilation among many second-generation immigrants - characterized
by educational attainment, improved language proficiency, and labor market
inclusion - confirms one of the three core pathways identified by (Portes &
Zhou, 1993). Crul and and Schneider (2010); Heath and
Brinbaum (2014)
show that in cities with inclusive education policies and less rigid tracking,
second-generation youth perform better academically, which facilitates broader
socio-economic mobility. This suggests that when structural barriers are
minimized, immigrant descendants can integrate into mainstream society on
relatively equal footing. Furthermore, as Clampet-Lundquist (2013); Dustmann and Fabbri (2003)
demonstrate, English language proficiency and supportive neighborhood
environments further enhance labor market participation, emphasizing the interaction
between individual agency and institutional support in facilitating
assimilation. Additionally, longer duration of language training significantly
increases immigrants’ chances of securing formal-sector jobs and permanent
employment contracts - partly because these programs convey knowledge of local
institutions and expand social networks (Lochmann et
al., 2019). In Western Europe,
language proficiency is more than just communication; A study by Dustmann and
Fabbri (2003)
showed that German language fluency is positively correlated with
employment and earnings, especially among non-EU immigrants. Language
courses provided by the German government (e.g., Integrationskurse)
not only teach grammar and vocabulary but also introduce migrants to
local labor laws, workplace culture, and job-seeking platforms. The
Swedish Public Employment Service found that longer participation in “SFI”
(Swedish for Immigrants) programs increased formal job attainment. This was
especially true when language courses were combined with civic orientation and
work experience modules, which enhanced both institutional familiarity and
networking (Lundborg et
al., 2017).
However, the persistence of downward
assimilation pathways illustrates the theory’s predictive nuance. Many
children of guest workers face systemic disadvantages that obstruct their
social mobility. Crul and
Doomernik (2003)
and Heath and
Brinbaum (2014)
point to institutional bias and structural inequalities in education that
perpetuate underperformance. Coupled with poor neighborhood conditions (Friedrichs et
al., 2003; Musterd, 2005) and exclusion from
high-paying labor markets (Algan et al.,
2010; Koopmans, 2013),
these factors reinforce cycles of poverty and marginalization. Cultural
exclusion and discrimination, as noted by Portes and
Zhou (1993)
and Vertovec
(2007),
further contribute to identity conflict and alienation, sometimes manifesting
in youth disengagement or radicalization. To support this, a study found that
perceived discrimination in domains such as employment, housing, schooling, and
public interactions creates a sense of “relative deprivation and injustice”
among second‑generation (migrant-origin) youth (Xiong &
Johnson, 2022). Another study found that perceived
discrimination across key societal domains—such as employment, education,
housing, and public life—induces feelings of relative deprivation and social
injustice among migrant-origin youth. These feelings are not merely
psychological but have material and social consequences, often leading to disengagement from mainstream institutions, reduced
trust in society, and, in some cases, vulnerability
to radical ideologies or countercultural movements (Xiong & Johnson, 2022). The FRA (2023) has documented that youth of North African, Turkish, and Sub-Saharan African descent
face disproportionate levels of discrimination in job recruitment, police
stops, and classroom expectations. Such cumulative experiences shape not only
feelings of injustice and social
distance but also weaken
emotional ties to national identity, especially when these youths are
simultaneously excluded from their ancestral and host cultures. These dynamics
were further supported in research by Hou et al.
(2021),
which found that perceived
discrimination intensifies identity struggles and social alienation, and
may increase vulnerability to radical
narratives that promise dignity, belonging, or revenge. In this context,
discrimination is not just a social ill,
but a trigger for deeper psychological and political disengagement.
The selective
acculturation pathway observed in Western Europe reflects immigrant
communities’ adaptive strategies in balancing cultural retention with societal
integration. Portes and
Rumbaut (2001)
and Berry (1997) emphasize that
biculturalism can be a protective factor, allowing second-generation
individuals to maintain identity continuity while adapting functionally to host
norms. This hybridization is facilitated by ethnic neighborhoods that support
language preservation and cultural practices (Musterd, 2005), while simultaneously enabling access to host
society institutions through strategic language acquisition and economic
participation(Chiswick
& Miller, 2001) Kanas et al., 2011). These
findings support Alba and Nee
(2003)
proposition of assimilation as a two-way, dynamic process and challenge the
traditional assimilation model that assumes inevitable convergence toward the
majority culture.
Importantly, national policy
models play a decisive role in shaping which assimilation pathway predominates.
Koopmans
(2013)
notes that multicultural regimes, which encourage cultural retention alongside
integration, tend to foster selective acculturation and, in some cases, upward
mobility. In contrast, assimilationist or exclusionary models may exacerbate
downward trajectories by limiting opportunities for recognition and inclusion. In
sum, segmented assimilation theory remains highly relevant for analyzing
immigrant integration in Western Europe. Its emphasis on multiple
pathways—upward, downward, and selective—captures the complexity of
second-generation experiences across varying national contexts. However, the
theory's application must be contextualized within Europe’s diverse
institutional, socio-political, and cultural landscapes, which differ markedly
from the North American context in which the theory was originally developed.
7. Conclusion
This study illustrates that segmented
assimilation theory provides a valuable analytical lens for examining the
complex integration trajectories of guest workers and their descendants in
Western Europe. National integration policies play a pivotal role in shaping
these pathways. Multicultural approaches that support cultural retention
alongside structural inclusion tend to foster upward mobility and selective
acculturation. In contrast, assimilationist or exclusionary regimes may
contribute to downward assimilation and social marginalization. Therefore,
applying segmented assimilation theory to the European context requires careful
consideration of its unique institutional and socio-political landscapes, which
differ significantly from those of North America, where the theory originated. Ultimately,
the integration experiences of immigrant-origin populations in Western Europe
are shaped by intersecting dynamics of discrimination, cultural negotiation,
community resources, and policy environments. Addressing these factors is
essential for developing inclusive strategies that enhance social cohesion and
reduce the risks of alienation and radicalization among youth of immigrant
descent.
References
FRA. (2023). Being Black
in the EU – Experiences of people of African descent.
Modood, T. (2007). Multiculturalism:
A civic idea. Polity Press.
Wallerstein, I. (2011). The
Modern World-System I
Capitalist
Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth
Century (1 ed.). University of California Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1pnrj9
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